Thai Official Doubts DKBA Drug Allegations

By SAW YAN NAING / THE IRRAWADDY|

Saw Lah Pwe speaks to Burmese and Thai journalists at a press conference. (Photo: The Irrawaddy)

Col Therdsak Ngam-sanong, a spokesperson for Thailand’s Third Army, told The Bangkok Post on the weekend that his force has no information about Democratic Karen Buddhist Army (DKBA) leader Maj-Gen Saw Lah Pwe’s alleged involvement in the drug trade.

Saw Lah Pwe, who is also known as Na Kham Mwe, was listed last month by Thailand’s Office of Narcotics Control Board as one of its most-wanted criminals for his alleged involvement in the drug trade. A reward of 1 million baht (US $32,000) was also offered for information leading to his arrest.

Therdsak told the newspaper that the arrest warrant against Saw Lah Pwe was probably based on old information related to an anti-narcotics campaign several years ago.

“The number of seized drugs in each operation is a few thousand. The western border is unlikely to be a drug production base. It is more a trafficking route,” Therdsak was quoted by the paper as saying.

Therdsak said that the DKBA’s main earnings are from land development and mining concession taxes.

Immediately after he was named one of Thailand’s most wanted on April 20, Saw Lah Pwe said he was willing to face charges in a court of law if Thai Deputy Prime Minister Chalerm Yubamrung, who accused him of involvement in drug trafficking, could offer any evidence to support the claims.

The DKBA commander also called on international anti-narcotics bodies, including the US Drug Enforcement Administration, to investigate Thailand’s allegations against him, after earlier inviting Thai and Burmese authorities to visit areas under his control in southern Karen State.

After closing 12 border crossings under his control for two weeks in retaliation for Thailand’s decision to issue a warrant for his arrest, the DKBA leader reopened them last weekend, returning border trade between Burma and Thailand to normal.

However, security around Saw Lah Pwe remains high since Chalerm announced that Thailand has asked the Burmese authorities to extradite him.

Nine years ago, a haul of drugs was seized in Thailand’s Tak Province, just across the border from DKBA-controlled Myawaddy. At that time there were reliable reports that these drugs belonged to Saw Lah Pwe, said Chalerm.

Heavy fighting continues in Kachin state: rebels

By NANG MYA NADI/DVB website
Published: 11 May 2012

A Burmese government soldier stands guard on abridge over the Irrawaddy River near the city of Myitkyina. (Reuters)

Fighting in northern Burma’s Kachin state between the Kachin Independence Army and government forces intensified this month, according to the rebels.
La Nan, spokesperson from the Kachin Independence Organisation — the KIA’s political wing — said 52 clashes have taken place this month inside the group’s territories on the eastern banks of the Irrawaddy River.
He said fighting inside KIA brigade-5’s territory, where their stronghold Laiza is located, has been the most intense.
“We are seeing clashes inside all our brigades’ territories. There were four clashes [near] our stronghold,” said La Nan. “The clashes usually are brief but intense – the [Burmese Army] is mainly relying on artillery fire, which they are utilising on a daily basis.”
Locals in the area have been relocating to a KIO-run refugee camp in Laiza, where an estimated 15,000 refugees are living.
According to the spokesperson, KIO officials are increasingly concerned that the overcrowded camp may be hit with outbreaks of diarrhea and malaria, along with food shortages.
The KIO said it sent a letter to the Parliament’s Peace Making Committee led by Aung Thaung on April 29 asking to continue talks; however, the group claims they have yet to receive a response.
La Nan says that for the talks to progress the government’s roadmap to peace should not be one-sided affair and should include ethnic minorities voices.
Earlier this month, the president’s office announced they would be creating a new union-level peace committee that will be filled with the government’s top leaders, which hopes to end the conflict in Kachin state.
President Thein Sein claims to have ordered the government’s troops to cease combat operations in Kachin state; however fighting continues.

Rebel commander denies drug allegations

By NAW NOREEN (DVB website)
Published: 2 May 2012

Commander of the Democratic Karen Benevolent Army Na Kham Mwe. (Francis Wade)

Democratic Karen Benevolent (Buddhist) Army’s leader Na Kham Mwe dismissed allegations made by Thailand’s government that he was involved in narcotics trafficking during a press conference yesterday at the group’s headquarters in eastern Burma’s Karen state.

Na Kham Mwe, who is also known as Saw La Bwe, said he has never manufactured or traded narcotics – individually or through proxy forces.

Thailand’s Office of the Narcotics Control Board placed a one million baht bounty on the leader last week for what they say is his role in the drug trade.

Saw Gon Aung, secretary of the DKBA’s political-wing Klohtoobaw Karen Organisation, said the Thai government’s accusation was damaging the credibility of not only Na Kham Mwe and the DKBA but also the whole of Burma.

“General Saw La Bwe had never involved with the narcotic business. He has never manufactured or traded narcotics individually or through another person. He said that if [the Thai authorities] can show provide evidence [of his involvement with drugs], he will go to the International Criminal Court and accept punishment,” said Saw Gon Aung.

While the DKBA said they’ve tried to contact the Thai authorities, the ONCB said they had not received any messages from the group.

On April 20, the ONCB announced that they had placed bounties on 25 drug lords in the region.

Armed group decries bounty placed on leader

By NAW NOREEN/DVB website

Published: 27 April 2012

Na Kham Mwe, leader of the DKBA, points to Burmese army positions on a map inside Karen state (Francis Wade)

The Democratic Karen Benevolent Army has snubbed allegations made by the Thai government after the kingdom’s narcotics authorities placed a one million baht bounty on the armed group’s leader Na Khan Mwe.

Thailand’s Office of the Narcotics Control Board, which is under the direction of deputy prime minister Chalerm Yubamroong who oversees the country’s anti-narcotic affairs, issued a statement announcing that bounties had been placed on the kingdom’s 25 most wanted drug lords.

The rewards range from 100,000 to 2 million Baht.

The DKBA, formerly known as the Democratic Karen Buddhist Army, decried the ONCB’s move and have formally invited the Thai deputy PM to visit their territory where he would be allowed to investigate the claims made by his department.

“Is it really sufficient to make accusations against an individual or an organisation just by simply putting a bounty on their head? In our perception, it is necessary to also present solid evidences as to who did what and when,” announced the DKBA in a press statement.

“We would like respond to the Thai deputy PM Chalerm Yubamroong regarding the current situation to present solid and strong evidence to support the claim [concerning] our group’s involvement with drugs and to point out locations of the alleged drug [factories] if they want to accuse us of drug manufacturing,” said the statement.

The group demanded Yubamroong to visit and inspect its territory in eastern Karen state near the Thai-Burma border to verify the claims.

“We hereby invite Thai Deputy Prime Minister to pay a visit to us personally, and inspect and settle the matter by 30 April 2012 at the latest,” read the statement. “If not, we shall proceed in accordance with international law.

Thai authorities have yet to respond to the DKBA’s ultimatum published today.

“This really damages our credibility,” said DKBA spokesperson Saw Ko Myo. “We are an organisation working for the interest of the general public, not for our own benefit so our credibility is priceless for us.”

The DKBA broke away from the Karen National Union in 1994 and signed a ceasefire with the military junta, but later rejected the Burmese government’s demands to form Border Guard Force units. They resumed their armed struggle against the government in 2010.

The armed group grabbed headlines when they captured Myawaddy on the Thai-Burma border. Fighting erupted between the DKBA and government troops after the deadline calling for the group to form BGF units expired. While the group briefly captured the township, the move demonstrated their ability to successfully engage militarily with the central government.

The group signed a ceasefire deal in December last year. According to clause No. 5 in the pact, the DKBA agreed to eliminate any connection to the production and trafficking of narcotics.

“We have regulations and directives to prevent drug issues in our region,” said the spokesperson. “We are seriously against [narcotics] and have issued an order [directed at] all our official ranks to stay out of the drug businesses.”

Thailand’s announcement to vigorously pursue drug kingpins came as Lao authorities are said to have captured Jai Norkham, a former Shan rebel fighter and close confident of famed heroin tycoon Khun Sa. Jai Norkham also appeared on the list published this week, but is reportedly being sent to China due to his suspected connection with the murder of 13 Chinese fisherman who were killed in the Golden Triangle in October of last year.

KNU, Govt Reach Historic Agreement

KNU and government peace negotiators pose for a group photo at a dinner in Pa-an on Jan. 11, 2012. (Photo: The Irrawaddy)

The Irrawaddy:

After more than six decades of uninterrupted armed resistance to Burmese rule, the leaders of the Karen National Union (KNU), Burma’s oldest ethnic armed group, have signed a ceasefire agreement with the government.

The historic agreement, the first since the KNU began its struggle for Karen autonomy shortly after Burma achieved independence from British colonial rule in 1948, was signed at 2:57 pm on Thursday following talks between a government peace delegation led by Railways Minister Aung Min and KNU representatives led by Gen Mutu Say Poe at the Zwegapin Hotel in the Karen State capital Pa-an.

Under the agreement, the two sides will initiate a ceasefire and allow each other to conduct unarmed patrols in their respective territories. The KNU will also be allowed to set up liaison offices in government-controlled areas.

According to a local source who asked to remain anonymous, the KNU delegation will travel next to the Mon State capital Moulmein and later visit Pegu, a central Burmese city near Rangoon with a large Karen population, where the KNU is considering opening a liaison office.

The KNU representatives arrived in Pa-an on Wednesday, where they were greeted by thousands of Karen people and attended a dinner hosted by the government peace delegation.

Several KNU central committee members, including David Taw, Roger Khin, Ah Toe, Aung Maung Aye, Kwe Htoo Win and Brig-Gen Saw Johnny, as well as representatives from all seven KNLA Brigades except Brigade 5, accompanied the peace delegation.

Ngwe Soe, who helped to broker the talks, said that both sides agreed to meet again for further discussions. A meeting is tentatitively scheduled to take place in Naypyidaw in 45 days, he added.

Despite the unusually upbeat tone coming out of the talks, however, there was still a note of caution in some of the comments coming from those close to the negotiations.

“This time they didn't ask us to give up our arms, they just want to work for equal rights for ethnic groups. This time we trust them,” Saw Johnny told Agence France-Presse, before adding: “We have been fighting for 60 years and one meeting alone will not end it.”

Several other ethnic armed groups, including the United Wa State Army, the Shan State Army-South, the Chin National Front and the National Democratic Alliance Army, have also recently reached ceasefire agreements with the government.

As a key member of the United Nationalities Federal Council (UNFC), a coalition of ethnic armed groups formed in February 2011, the KNU has called on the government to enter into an inclusive dialogue with all UNFC members to reach a lasting political settlement that addresses ethnic concerns.

However, according to a UNFC source, the group has agreed in principle to allow its members to enter into individual ceasefire agreements with the government, on the understanding that this will later lead to political talks involving all of the groups concerned.

Founded in 1947, the KNU formed its military wing, the Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA), in 1949 and immediately began an armed insurgency against Burma's central government.

Although the group has never signed an official ceasefire agreement with the government, in 2004, the late KNU leader Bo Mya and former government spy chief Khin Nyunt verbally agreed to halt hostilities following talks in Rangoon. However, the fragile informal truce soon broke down.

Turning Thailand’s buffer zone into a battlefield

By PAVIN CHACHAVALPONGPUN

Published: 23 December 2011, DVB website

Thai Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra prays during her visit to Shwedagon pagoda in Rangoon (Reuters)

Thai-Burmese relations have always been erratic and they have hinged primarily on the types of leadership that have been seen on the Thai side. The Democrat government led by Chuan Leekpai from 1997-2001 implemented a hostile policy toward the Burmese junta to placate the western world. But when billionaire Thaksin Shinawatra was elected prime minister in 2001, bilateral ties became warm and amicable, and Burma as a historical enemy became Thailand’s friendly trading partner overnight.

Since the downfall of Thaksin in 2006, it is fair to say that Thailand has had no real policy toward Burma. Such floundering has unfortunately left Thai leaders in a disadvantageous position, in particular making them ill-equipped to comprehend the drastic changes in Burma which have taken place in the past few years. Now that Yingluck Shinawatra, sister of Thaksin, is in power, she is obliged to readjust the Thai approach so as to take benefit from the “civilianised Burma”. Any new policy will cause an inevitable impact on the Thai relations with the regime in Naypyidaw, the opposition as well as the ethnic minorities inside Burma.

Yingluck returned on Tuesday from her first official visit to Burma, where she met with President Thein Sein. High on the agenda in her talks with the government was the promotion of existing ties through bilateral frameworks and the strengthening of economic relations, such as the guaranteeing of Burma’s exports of gas and oil to Thailand and the Thai investment in the deep-sea port project in Tavoy. Yingluck also met with Aung San Suu Kyi, who was released from house arrest in November last year. Could this mean that Thailand is now diversifying its foreign policy options when it comes to its ties with Burma? So far, it seems that Yingluck is interested in reaching out to the opposition in Burma, and perhaps in aiding political reconciliation in the country.

Regardless of whether the reforms in Burma will be long term or simply superficial, the global community has welcomed political change in the country. The US has shifted its policy toward Naypyidaw. This could possibly lead to a lifting of sanctions against Burma in the near future. Meanwhile, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) recently granted the chairmanship to Burma for the year 2014. Suddenly, both friends and enemies of Burma have rushed to legitimise the Thein Sein regime. The Yingluck government is likely to go along with this trend. But a question emerges: How would a new Thai policy impact other aspects of the bilateral relationship?

For several decades, Thailand has turned vast areas under the occupation of ethnic insurgents along its common border with Burma into a buffer zone. As a result, while it forged strong ties with some ethnic minorities, particularly the Karen National Union (KNU), Thailand’s dealings with the Burmese government were characterised with suspicion and distrust.

If Yingluck is to follow in the footsteps of ASEAN and the US where state-to-state relations are to be consolidated at the expense of her country’s traditional ties with some ethnic minorities, she may expect to see some instability or insecurity along the border. Not all ethnic minorities in Burma are happy with the way political power has been distributed. After all, this is a game of power sharing among the Burmese elite. Even Suu Kyi has not made her policy clear on ethnic minorities and power distribution. Thus, with Yingluck’s legitimisation of the Thein Sein regime, bilateral relations may flourish; yet, some parts of the Thai-Burmese border could be transformed into battle zones.

This scenario could exacerbate the situation regarding human right violations against refugees from various ethnic minorities in Thailand. Discussions on this issue point to the fact that part of the Thai policy toward Burma has been dominated by the Thai military, particularly that involving national security. Sadly, the Thai army has lacked a sense of humanitarianism. The human right violations against the Rohingya in recent years have reaffirmed the Thai army’s attitude toward refugees from Burma. The Yingluck government itself has attempted to avoid upsetting the military for the sake of its own survival. Therefore, one should not expect that Yingluck would be entertaining a refugees-friendly policy, and definitely not when she also wishes to please the Burmese regime for Thailand’s economic benefits.

From this perspective, what is considered a new policy toward Burma, under the Yingluck administration, may not be new at all. Ultimately, Yingluck is just a Thaksin surrogate. She has shown scant vision in foreign affairs. Her ruling party, Pheu Thai, has never confirmed a commitment to promoting democracy, both insideThailand and toward neighbouring countries.

It is a pity that Yingluck, despite being a relatively young and fresh prime minister, might only grasp few of the opportunities that arrive with the changes in Burma. There will be many unanswered questions: can Thailand reposition itself in mainland Southeast Asia now that Burma has gradually become a normal state? Can Thailand take advantage from Burma’s chairmanship of ASEAN in 2014? And how can a new Burma contribute to the community building process of ASEAN of which Thailand is a member?

Pavin Chachavalpongpun is a fellow at Singapore’s Institute of Southeast Asian Studies.

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